Sunday, September 30, 2007

September Fenian Fest Fandango

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  • Radio Rebel Gael


  • The Bronx Voice of Musical Rebellion

    Presents SeptemberFest

    The Fall Featured Musical Creature

    Nay, 'tis not the mythical "Celtic Tiger"
    Nay, not a Capitalist Bloodsuckng Beast
    Nor Napoleon Dynamite's hybrid "Liger"
    Neither is it a Plastic Paddy Leprechaun
    Drunk on Jameson's, Guinness and willfull ignorance,

    But a musical phoenix
    A Gaelic Lark
    Song bird of a New Celtic Dawn
    Born of humble origins
    Spawned from the streets of Shanty Town
    The chaotic rought and tumble of the Boogie Down
    Fenian & Proud !
    Inspired by Irish Rebel Rhythm,
    Paddy Punk & Celtic Rock n' Reel






    While the Germans have Oktoberfest - when working class Germans have a pint and a laugh and maybe some weiner schnitzel and sauerkraut

    Us Irish-American Fenians and Indigenous Gaelic Rebels have come up with our own SEPTEMBER FENIAN FEST

    A time of good craic, Irish music and Irish Rebel attitude !






    Featuring brilliant new music by:





  • The Irish Brigade

  • Derek Warfield

  • Shebeen

  • Ciaran Murphy

  • Dropkick Murphys
  • (from their new album "The Meanest of Times" !!)



    Jerry Mc Cusker & Bracken


  • Larkin
  • (from their new feat "Alexandra" !)



  • Flatfoot 56
  • (from their new album "Jungle of the Midwest Sea")



  • The Mahones
  • (from their latest release "Take No Prisoners")

  • The Killigans
  • (from their new hit album "One Step Ahead of Hell ")


    And old school favorites by:



  • Brendan Loughrey of Bluestack

  • Belfast Andi


  • Biblecode Sundays



  • Blood or Whiskey


  • Black 47



  • Stiff Little Fingers


  • The Vandon Arms


  • New Model Army



  • Ray Collins


  • The Surfin Turnips



  • JD & The Longfellows

  • The Gobshites





  • The Dubliners



  • Flogging Molly


  • The Larkin Brigade


  • The Sharky Doyles




  • NECK: London-Irish Psycho-Ceilidh



  • Cruachan




  • Greenland Whalefishers


  • JD & The Longfellows


  • Saint Bushmill's Choir


  • The Mahones


  • The Mickeys


  • The Pogues


  • Shane MacGowan


  • Seanchai & The Unity Squad



  • Eire Og



  • The Tossers




  • The Wolfe Tones



  • The Wages of Sin


  • The Wild Rovers


  • Whiskey Galore







  • And much more !






    Go raibh maith agat !

  • Rory Dubhdara, Radio Rebel Gael






  • Radio Rebel Gael


    Monday, September 03, 2007

    Working Class Hero Labor Day Show !

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  • Radio Rebel Gael

  • Presents The Labor Day Paddy Proletarian Show!
    In defense of the Working Class Hero
    Against the Corporate Zero !




    Cheers Lads, Lasses, Irish Rebels, Irish-Americans, Indigenous Gaels, and all good Socialist-minded comrades, no matter your religious or ethnic background,
    wishes to give a shout out to all the Working Class Heroes & Heroines, breaking their backs to feed their family, keep food on the table and fighting back for Worker's Rights !



    I want to give a shout out to all the great musicians that contributed music and I want to give special thanks to Chad Malone of


    for sending their brilliant albums,
    And thanks also to
    for their contributions



    And a helluva lot more !




    Go raibh maith agat !

  • Rory Dubhdara, Radio Rebel Gael





  • Radio Rebel Gael

    Sunday, August 19, 2007

    RADIO REBEL GAEL Presents the Unrepentant Fenian Show !





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  • Radio Rebel Gael


  • To remember the day that the British Occupation began Internment,

    August 9th, 1971,

    No matter where you reside:

    The Falls Road in West Belfast

    Creggan in Free Derry

    The Irish Rebel countryside of South Armagh

    Liverpool, Birmingham, Edinburgh, Glasgow or County Holloway

    Southside Chicago, Southie, Woodside Queens, Woodlawn, or McLean Avenue in Yonkers

    Light those Bonfires high , so they rage and reach high into the Celtic Skies,

    In tribute, in memory to those who've gone before

    To all those who gave their lives to the cause of Irish Freedom

    This is the Unrepentant Fenian Show

    Dedicated to those brave Heroes & Heroines

    Who dedicated their lives to the cause of Irish Liberty !

    Featuring new music by :


    BRENDAN LOUGHREY

    CIARAN MURPHY

    JERRY MC CUSKER OF BRACKEN

    BELFAST ANDI

    RAY COLLINS

    GARY OG & SEAN LYONS

    And many more !



    Special Thanks to Chad Malone of LARKIN, for contributing some great music from their new album , ALEXANDRA


    Also featured on the UNREPENTANT FENIAN SHOW , old and new music by :

    STIFF LITTLE FINGERS

    SEANCHAI & THE UNITY SQUAD

    1916

    SHARKY DOYLES

    THE PUB CRAWLERS

    BIRMINGHAM SIX

    BIBLECODE SUNDAYS

    BIRMINGHAM SIX

    BLACK 47

    VANDON ARMS

    THE KILLIGANS

    THE DUBLINERS

    THE TOSSERS

    FLATFOOT 56

    THE LARKIN BRIGADE


    And much more !






  • Radio Rebel Gael


  • The Bronx Voice of Irish Musical Rebellion !!

  • Rory Dubhdara



  • Wednesday, July 04, 2007

    RADIO REBEL GAEL Presents The 4th of July Independence Insurgence Show !

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    Presents the INSURGENCE INDEPENDENCE DAY SHOW

    On July 4th, 1981, the Irish Republican Prisoners of War issued a statement, spelling out the five demands for the Irish political prisoners at the H-Blocks at the Long Kesh Maze Prison in asking for Special Category Political Status, asking that their sentences be deemed not crimes but political acts.

    The five demands these Irish volunteers asked for included:

    1. The right not to wear a prison uniform.

    2. The right not to do prison labor.

    3. The right of free association with other prisoners, and to organize educational and recreational pursuits at their behest.

    4. The right to one visit, one letter and one parcel per week.

    5. Full restoration of remission lost through their protest.
    Radio Rebel Gael will dedicate our efforts and music to those brave heroes and heroines who gave their all for the cause of Irish Freedom, and therefore our INDEPENDENCE SHOW will be a musical tribute to these great men and women as well as all freedom fighters around the world, who dedicated their lives and/or gave their lives for the cause of National Liberation & Social Justice....

    The American insurgent guerillas of the American Revolution,


    Irish Volunteers, Padraig Pearse, Thomas Ashe, Seamus Diarmada, James Connolly, Tom Williams, Joe McCann, Seamus Costello, Ronnie Bunting, Noel Lyttle, Dominic and Mary McGlinchey, Miriam Daly, Maire Drumm , and the valiant ten who died in the Hunger Strike of 1981:

    Bobby Sands, Francis Hughes, Raymond McCreesh, Patsy O'Hara, Joe McDonnell, Martin Hurson, Kevin Lynch, Kieran Doherty, Thomas McElwee, and Michael Devine.





    Filberto Ojeda Rios and the Macheteros

    Ernesto Che Guevara Lynch and the men and women of the Cuban Revolution


    Leonard Peltier and the American Indian Movement


    Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos and the Zapatistas

    Bobby Seale and the Black Panthers


    Rachel Corrie and the Brave Palestinian men and women of the Intifada

    And all those still fighting on for justice and Socialist Victory!


  • Rory Dubhdara, Radio Rebel Gael






  • "We must take no steps backward, our steps must be onward, for if we don't, the martyrs that died for you, for me, for this country will haunt us forever." - Maire Drumm




    Blessed Are Those Who Hunger for Justice




  • Radio Rebel Gael







  • Friday, June 22, 2007

    Summer's A' Comin' !


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  • Radio Rebel Gael


  • First of all, Radio Rebel Gael would like to send out a holler and many thanks to all the great musicians and balladeers who have sent free music to Radio Rebel Gael, and/or helped to spread the word about the Celtic Rock, Paddy Punk & Irish Rebel Rhythm that Radio Rebel Gael offers...


    RADIO REBEL GAEL wishes to give thanks to these great musicians for contributing their inspirational music to our radio show:



  • Barley Juice

  • Belfast Andi

  • Birmingham Six

  • Brendan Loughrey & Bluestack

  • Biblecode Sundays

  • Eire Og

  • Gary Og

  • The Gobshites

  • The Indulgers


  • JD & The Longfellows

  • Junkman's Choir

  • King Drapes

  • The Larkin Brigade

  • The Mickeys

  • Shanneyganock

  • Surfin Turnips

  • The Town Pants

  • The Wild Rovers

  • Zydepunks







  • And Special Thanks to :

  • Ray Collins

  • TJ of
  • IRSM





  • Larry Kirwan
  • of
  • Black 47
  • and his
  • Celtic Lounge




  • for getting the word out, and



  • Mick Coates, my favorite Fenian Banjo Rockabilly Rebel and his Unwanted Men in Black & A Lady





  • and

  • Belfast Andi



  • For creating and contributing some of the most inspirational and genuine modern Gaelic music that I have yet to hear ....

    Thanks to all, fans,musicians, listeners, and check out our Summer's A' Comin' Show, a special Radio show ushering in the Summer, a show dedicated to working class celebration, just to remind you to enjoy the weekend, enjoy the sun, and enjoy that brilliant Celtic Rock n' Roll, Paddy Punk and Irish Rebel Rhythm with RADIO REBEL GAEL ;-)

  • Rory Dubhdara

















  • Radio Rebel Gael
  • Tuesday, June 19, 2007

    Memo To The Queen

    Memo to the Queen:

    Bobby Sands Died for Your Sins

    By DON SANTINA


    Dear Elizabeth II,

    What a dandy duo of imperialism you and our own George II made during your recent visit to Jamestown. How appropriate that together you celebrated the 400th anniversary of the theft of indigenous lands in the Americas.

    It wasn't long after the settlement of Jamestown that your country introduced the plantation system into Ireland, forcing the Irish off their lands and replacing them with loyal British settlers. And then there was the rest of world to seize.

    Those pesky Irish were always rebelling, so-between Cromwell and the Penal Laws--your people turned that country into a charnel house of cultural genocide which included denying people access to the resources of their own land. The subjugation of the Irish was an illustrative model for our own George II as he and his corporate comrades made plans to lay waste the people and culture of Iraq and take their oil. The tragedy for the people of Iraq is that our own George II didn't read the part where people don't like being occupied by somebody else and will fight to the death over the right to their own land. Of course, maybe he just didn't get it; the original story was prettied up by the embedded historians, like most of our Anglo-American history books.

    "Play the orange card," Lord Randolph Churchill said a few hundred years later when the Irish were at it again for independence. And it certainly worked! Nothing like fomenting sectarian and ethnic violence to keep the blighters under your majesty's thumb. What a concept! So successful you used it in Sri Lanka, India, Kenya, Palestine, Malaya--you name it.

    Hey, did you or Tony Blair tell our own George II that divide-and-conquer would also work in Iraq? Sunni, Shia, Kurds, Baathists, etc.-set them all against each other, so the Anglo-American "interests" can be served without interruption from any kind of unified rebellion. Keep those internecine cauldrons boiling, and hopefully, no one will notice what the "interests" are up to!

    How about our own George II's colony at Guantanamo, a geopolitical purgatory where prisoners are held indefinitely without the benefit of a trial? Sort of like the concentration camps your guys invented in South Africa over a hundred years ago: when folks get uppity, round 'em up and stick 'em all in one place! And how imaginative those Victorians were! Up until that time, people thought barbed wire was used to keep cattle from wandering onto the neighbor's ranch. Who would have thought it could be used for corralling people?

    You must have been miffed during the beginning of your reign when the ungrateful people of Malaya decided that they no longer wanted to be part of the British Empire. But you guys couldn't let that happen, so you pioneered the "strategic hamlet" plan--a variation of the old South Africa resettlement model--and crushed the insurgency. That plan didn't work so well for us in Vietnam though, so now we just take insurgents out of their own country and imprison and torture them somewhere else. Clever, huh? And so much cheaper!

    Last year Americans flocked in droves to your movie, "The Queen," and our tastemakers heaped awards all over it. (I thought, my God, not another movie about all those royal layabouts--but, who's counting?) One thing we can say about Americans: most of us can't wait to genuflect when a bit of perceived royalty passes our way, whether it's a pop star or a politician or some old royal roach with a title. A sad indication of our own tumble from our democratic ideals is that we haven't flocked to "The Wind that Shakes the Barley," a more accurate portrayal of the consequences of resisting royal occupation.

    Sometimes the ordinary soldiers refuse to do the dirty work for our familial and financial dynasties. Like after WWI when the rank and file had had it with rich people's wars. But, Elizabeth, you don't have a problem with that, do you? We know the drill: pay someone else to do the heavy lifting! Over two hundred years ago, your country hired Hessians to put down the American revolutionists. During the Irish War for Independence, your grandfather set those murderers-for-hire known as the Black and Tans loose on Ireland. (Did you know that in Cork they had orders to shoot anyone who had his hands in his pockets?)

    Our own George II and Dick Cheney figured that one out quick. They hired thousands of mercenaries-high-paid killers from companies like Blackwater--to subdue Iraqis and protect Big Oil's new preserves. No military supervision, no Geneva Convention, no legal or moral restraints whatsoever. "Kill' em all and let God sort 'em out," they say, video game style.

    Occasionally, we hear some chatter from Tony Blair and our own George II about "the rule of law," so I think we should address some of that law stuff here. Like, ha- ha, when did you guys really need a law to OK the invasion of another country or the seizure of their resources? But, seriously, we know you have to provide the voters with some tidbit of legality so they can tuck the kids into bed at night and tell them all's right with the world and they'll live happily ever after. Because, of course, they live in the country that DROPS the bombs, not the one that RECEIVES them. But, all legal, mind you.

    I know: quibble, quibble, quibble. However, you guys do need those laws, at least so your house historians can write You-Done-Good when you're dead and gone. So Parliament and Congress passes stuff like The Prevention of Terrorism Act, The Patriot Act, and The Military Commissions Act, enabling the government to do whatever the hell it wants without any legislative interference.

    The Magna Carta and the Constitution went down the drain but, c'mon: be there or be square! We're makin' history here!

    I don't want to be a spoilsport, but some people are calling our legislative bodies "The Weimar Parliament" and "The Weimar Congress" because the original Weimar Reichstag passed eerily similar legislation in 1933 enabling Hitler to do his thing without any legislative constraint. However, the Nazis were more up-front about it. They actually called it the "Enabling Act."

    The Magna Carta never did apply to occupied Ireland, though. For example, during Internment in the 1970's, your police arrested people without charge, held them incommunicado, tried and convicted them without jury trials and imprisoned them in places like Long Kesh. (There's that barbed wire again!)

    And then, in a transparent attempt to re-frame Ireland's historic struggle for liberation into a criminal enterprise, your government rescinded political status for the Irish political prisoners.


    Margaret Thatcher, your prime minister during that time, liked to posture a lot with tough-guy tautologies like "crime is crime is crime." Engulfed in privilege and surrounded by bodyguards, Thatcher never put herself in harm's way for her principles, did she? Heaven forbid! Nor have you or Tony Blair, our own George II or Dick Cheney. It's so much more comfortable to send other folks and their children off to war and occupation isn't it?

    In 1981, a courageous young man stood up and said That's Enough and--Gandhi-like-- began a hunger strike for the principle of political status. His words were bold. "They have nothing in their imperial arsenal that can break the spirit of one Irishman who doesn't want to be broken," said Bobby Sands.






    For "Irishmen," insert any nationality struggling against oppression. At that point and forever, Bobby Sands represents the political prisoners of the world: Nelson Mandela, Mumia Abu Jamal, Leonard Peltier, Lori Berenson, Gerard Jean Juste. And all those unknown prisoners on a list which is growing like a cancer in a socio/political milieu where imperial oppression, not justice, is the order of the day.

    After sixty-six days, while the world watched in horror and pleaded with your government to negotiate, Bobby Sands passed into history. And then-one by one over the following three months--nine more young men in the hunger strike died hideous deaths: Francis Hughes, Raymond McCreesh, Patsy O'Hara, Joe McDonnell, Martin Hurson, Kevin Lynch, Kieran Doherty, Thomas McElwee, and Michael Devine.

    Margaret Thatcher has written in her memoirs that her meetings with you were "quietly businesslike and Her Majesty brings to bear a formidable grasp of current issues and breadth of experience."

    What did you and Thatcher say to each other when you talked about the hunger strikers? Were your conversations "quietly businesslike" while these young men died the horrible death of starvation? Did the telephone ring to inform you that another one had died? Or was it really not that important in your conversations?

    Do you or Tony Blair ever chat with George Bush or Dick Cheney about Abu Graib and Guantanamo, two of the latest products of the Anglo-American empire? I wonder if George and Dick are also "quietly businesslike" in their discussions of things like waterboarding.

    Do any of you hear the screams of the tortured in your sleep?



    -Don Santina is a cultural historian who received a 2005 Superior Scribing award for his Counterpunch article "Reparations for the Blues."




    He can be reached at lindey89@aol.com.

    Wednesday, June 06, 2007

    IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST HEROES & MARTYRS


    Fallen Comrades of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement

    June 5th -6th





    *******



    John Morris


    Volunteer - Irish National Liberation Army

    Killed in Action on 5 June 1997


    John Morris, aged 26, from Sundale Close, Tallaght, County Dublin, died in hospital a day after being shot by Irish police during an INLA expropriation in Goldenbridge Industrial Estate, Inchicore, County Dublin.


    The gun he used was unloaded and he offered to surrender when the police arrived. Despite early press reports to the contrary, it was later clarified at an inquest that he had been shot seven times in the back and in the head.


    He was a recruitment officer for the INLA in South Dublin as well as a prominent anti-drugs activist in Tallaght. The INLA identified him as a member on active duty at the time he was killed. Three other INLA members who were with him during the expropriation were jailed by the Special Criminal Court on 11 March 1998.


    He was buried in Dublin's Bohernabreena Cemetery with paramilitary honours from a twelve man INLA colour party, and there was a large police presence.


    His family announced in May 2003 that they would sue the Irishgovernment for wrongful death. In March 2004, the Irish High Court ruled against his family's attempt to challenge the coroner'sdecision not to release statements and other material relating tothe investigation before the inquest.


    A memorial to Morris was unveiled above his grave in Bohernabreena Cemetery on 13 June 2004.




    *******

    Brendan McNamee


    Member - Irish Republican Socialist Party Staff Officer -
    Irish National Liberation Army
    Assassinated on 6 June 1975


    Brendan McNamee, aged 22, was assassinated by the Official Irish Republican Army on the Stewartstown Road in West Belfast during a period when the increasingly counter-revolutiona ry OIRA was trying to smash the recently formed IRSM.



    From West Belfast and a former member of the Provisional IRA, hejoined the IRSP and the INLA when they were formed in December 1974.



    A memorial to McNamee and another comrade was unveiled in theAndersonstown area of West Belfast on 22 June 2003.



    *******

    They died as they lived: as Republican Socialists. Remember them with honour and pride.




    http://irsm.org/

    Monday, June 04, 2007

    Why People Hate Cops

    Why People Hate Cops




    Insurgent American is happy to publish Derrick Jensen’s latest reflection on the relationship between the people who work for the state: those of us who support it with obedience and taxes, and those who are employed by the state to exercise its “legal monopoly on violence.”

    Why people hate cops

    an essay by Derrick Jensen

    I’m scared to write this essay, scared to have it published, scared it will be read by police officers or customs agents, scared that the next time I’m stopped for some traffic violation or the next time I try to cross a border, some police officer or customs agent will remember this article, and will make me pay for having written it.

    I know what at least some police do to those they don’t like. I know what at least some police do to those who question their authority. I know what at least some police do with the power they have over our lives. This is what makes me afraid.
    #
    Pretend you see a cop. Pretend you’re doing nothing illegal. Pretend you don’t need police protection. You’re minding your own business, and BAM, you see a cop. What do you feel? Right then. In your gut. On a scale from minus five (fear or loathing) to zero (nothing) to plus five (warmth, comfort, safety).

    For more than a decade I’ve asked hundreds or even thousands of people this question, and the long-term average is about minus three. The only profession I know that consistently rates worse is parking patrol, at a near unanimous minus five. Politicians and CEOs rate about the same as police. In the cases of politicians, CEOS, and parking patrol, the hostility is almost entirely loathing, and not much fear. In the case of police, it’s both loathing and fear, in roughly equal measures.

    This average doesn’t come about merely because my friends are anti-authoritarian. I’ve asked people of all ages, all economic classes, all political and religious beliefs. Even many of the police I’ve asked don’t have good feelings when they see police they don’t know. Nearly all of the police I’ve talked to feel the same about FBI agents as normal people do about police officers.

    In other words, this abysmal public perception of police officers doesn’t come from a skewed sample. And if the people I’ve asked in any way resemble a cross-section of people in the United States and Canada, this means a good portion of the people in these two countries viscerally hate and/or fear the police.

    Why is that? What are the personal and social implications?

    Cop shows, politicians, corporate media, and many cops tell us more or less incessantly that the police are heroes here to protect us. We hear also that hatred or fear of police is misplaced, and that police are an easy target onto whom otherwise powerless people too often blame their misery. I just got a very intelligent email from a cop commenting on a sentence from my book Endgame. The sentence was “A primary purpose of the police is to enforce the delusions of those with lots of pieces of green paper.” He wrote, “I agree for the most part. Yes, police are protecting the status quo, but they also protect poor people from gangs, thugs, and sociopaths who prey on people in lower socio-economic situations.”

    I responded, “I don’t disagree with you. I think most of what individual policemen and policewomen do is exactly what you’re saying. That’s a hugely important function. And if that was all that police did I don’t think we’d be having this conversation.”

    I continued, “I used to teach creative writing at Pelican Bay, which is a supermax. Some of my students were, I really think, okay guys who never caught a break. Some of them were okay guys who would be great neighbors if you kept them off drugs. But some of them, honestly, were sociopaths who need to be removed from society to protect others (I believe, as I say in The Culture of Make Believe, that there are things people can do that cause them to be removed from society—whether that removal is through segregating or killing them—but it’s also clear to me that the current system of so-called justice is deeply racist and classist: a not-very funny joke I tell in that book consists of two riddles: ‘Q: What do you get when you combine a long drug habit, a quick temper, and a gun? A: Two life terms for murder, earliest release date 2026. Now, Q: What do you get when you combine a large corporation, two nation states, 40 tons of poison, and at least 10,000 dead human beings? A: Retirement with full pay and benefits (Warren Anderson, CEO of Union Carbide, culpable for Bhopal’)). In no way do I romanticize ‘lawbreakers.’ Just as in other categories of people, some are good, some are mediocre, and some are scum. And to the degree that police or anyone else protect me or those I love from sociopaths, I’m grateful.

    “But police also break strikes and protect politicians, CEOs, and WTO representatives who sell out the people (and who, even from a straight-up, patriotic, ninth-grade civics perspective, are arguably committing treason, and should be hanged for their crimes). Why are police never sent in to force capitalists to come to terms with strikers? That’s a huge problem (and not a rhetorical question). The sociopaths the police arrest are for the most part sociopaths with no power, and especially with no political power. The sociopaths who cause the most harm are almost never arrested, and are certainly never imprisoned or otherwise punished commensurate with the harm they cause, in great measure because these most dangerous sociopaths run governments and corporations, with the direct assistance of the police. That’s another huge problem (or more accurately the same huge problem, restated).”

    I continued, “I’ve known and been friends with really good policemen and policewomen. I was good friends with a parole officer in Spokane, who always said the big difference between him and the people whose parole he oversaw was that he grew up before he got caught doing stupid shit.

    “My problem is not with police protecting individuals from harm by anti-social types. My problem is with police who blindly support the status quo, and who protect corporations which are killing the planet, killing communities, killing all of us. Why aren’t CEOs arrested? Why aren’t CEOs executed for murder? It is insane and despicable that they are not. That is my problem with police.

    “And of course that doesn’t just apply to the police. I also object to writers who blindly support the status quo: I hate them, I really do, especially as a writer myself. I object to scientists who blindly support the status quo. I object to technicians who blindly support the status quo. I object to judges who blindly support the status quo. And so on.”

    He also wrote, “Perhaps besides instigating and enabling an oppressive system one of the primary purposes of police is to serve as scapegoats, something to waste your energy on hating while the true perpetrators of misery continue to spread a corrosive civilization unscathed.”

    He’s got a point. Cops have far less power than CEOs and politicians, and by themselves cause far less damage. But they’re still functionally separate parts of the same machine, ultimately serving the same ends. And part of the reason that cops are often more openly hated than CEOs and politicians is that police more visibly and directly have power over us than do CEOs and politicians—CEOs and politicians don’t normally walk around with guns, tasers, and nightsticks telling us what we may and may not do. Another way to say this is that CEOs and politicians wreak their damage indirectly, from a distance. CEOs and politicians don’t generally have the power to personally beat or arrest you. CEOs and politicians almost never harm you personally.
    Even the CEOs of the most polluting companies don’t personally poison you: they merely run these corporations, and then the activities of these corporations poison the air you breathe, the water you drink, the food you eat. And ultimately these activities poison you. But the CEOs don’t poison you directly (much like a shotcaller for a criminal organization— or rather, for a different sort of criminal organization— who never bloodies his own hands, no matter how many deaths he orders). Instead CEOs pay politicians to pass laws making it legal for these corporations to poison the air, the water, the food, and you. Then when those being poisoned protest, police are sent to protect those who are poisoning us all. Given that CEOs and politicians hide behind the police—yet another way to say this is that the police do their dirty work; and yet one more way to say this is that police are the public face for the whole structure of state repression, but not where the real power lies—it’s no wonder that cops sometimes feel scapegoated for the activities of those they protect. I’m not, of course, saying that cops share no culpability; they could choose to not protect (but instead to bring to justice) the large-scale sociopaths who are poisoning us (and them, for that matter), but they do not do this.

    I ended my response to his letter with: “The question becomes: if you and I agree on at least some of who are the true perpetrators of misery, what do we do about that? How do we work together?”

    I never heard back, which in a sense didn’t surprise me: his note felt more like a defense of police with an acknowledgment of the obvious (that they support the status quo) than a real effort to reach out to form an alliance to stop the “true perpetrators of misery.”

    All of this political analysis is important, but it neither explains nor deeply explores the visceral response of so many people to the police. Sure, I can philosophically hate them for protecting capitalists and for bashing the heads of protesters, and sure, I can philosophically hate them for what my (mainly but not exclusively non-white) friends have told me about how they’ve been treated, but none of it explains why my stomach knots up when I see a cop.

    Now, finally, I have an answer. It’s a testament to the color of my skin that it took me this long to understand why I feel the way I do. I’ve known many African-Americans, Chicanos and Chicanas, Filipinos, Vietnamese, and so on who merely because of the color of their skin learned this lesson far more dramatically and painfully than I. I’ve known many very financially poor people who have learned this lesson more quickly and at greater loss than I. But I learned it. I finally learned it.

    Oh sure, I’ve encountered asshole cops on power trips before. I don’t know anyone who hasn’t. Like the time I rolled through a stop sign at a lonely country intersection in the middle of the night, with only one set of headlights visible in any direction, and those just barely, only to have that car follow me for miles and finally flash red and blue lights and give me a ticket. Or the guards at the prison who yelled at me just like they yelled at prisoners (and like I’m guessing they yell at their wives and children). Or the airport security officer who stuck her hand down my pants, and when I complained told me that if I really wanted to I could tell it to the nearby cops—clearly her friends—and go ahead and miss my flight. Or dozens of other stories like that. I’ve known people who’ve been beaten or killed by cops. Worse (if possible), I know very few people who don’t have story after story of police using their power to intimidate, humiliate, terrorize, threaten, or beat them.

    Here is my most recent story, a story in many ways not extreme at all. But for me, this is the moment when I finally understood why so many people hate cops.
    #
    First the background. I was returning from Canada. The trip had been terrible in almost every way, starting with my flight out of Crescent City, which was delayed long enough that I missed my connection. Twenty-three hours later I finally arrived in Montreal. Unfortunately, my luggage never did.

    That night I gave a talk. The audience was great (except one guy in the third row who kept shouting incomprehensible things like “Do you know Guy?” and “Talk about Africa”: after a few of these comments I started looking around to see if Eva Marie Saint was squirming uncomfortably next to James Mason and Martin Landau), and including Q and A we talked for four and a quarter hours.

    At eleven the next morning I returned to the airport, to fly to Toronto for my next event. Unfortunately the crew failed to show, and so the flight was delayed. No matter, I thought, we’ve got plenty of time. The plane eventually took off, but as we began our descent we had to turn back to Montreal, because in the time it had taken the crew to arrive a storm had moved in.

    Had they canceled the flight before take-off, I could have rented a car. But it was too late for that, which meant not only did I not get to do that talk, but I also obviously was not going to get paid for it.

    I tried to fly home. No. Partway? No. Every flight to anywhere was sold out. I got a flight at 6:45 the next morning that, with several connections, would get me home. I got to the airport at 3:30 to find five hundred people ahead of me in line. Air Canada had only three stations open: one for the plebes and two for the ten people with business-class tickets. Finally my turn came, and I ran as fast as I could to customs, then security, then the plane. I made it. They were about to push back, but then canceled the flight because of snow. I returned through customs, called the airline, and found there was nothing available out of Montreal for three days. I asked if there were flights out of Toronto, and she booked me on one that night.

    I rented a car—$400 one-way!—and arrived six hours early for my flight. This was good, because there were five hundred more people in line.Several hours later, I got my boarding pass, and proceeded to customs.

    This is when my trip to Canada took a bad turn.
    #
    I got pulled aside for a random check. The customs agent started rummaging through my backpack. No big deal, right? In the words of those who rationalize the Panopticon as well as any and all state repression: If I’ve got nothing to hide, I’ve got nothing to fear. Right? Right? The agent pulled my wallet from my backpack. Once again, no big deal. I kept repeating this to myself—This is no big deal, no big deal—in the hope that I might believe it. She pulled out my roll of toilet paper, and asked why I had that. I told her I have Crohn’s disease, an incurable, progressive disease that causes more or less incessant diarrhea, among many other health problems. She nodded sympathetically, then asked me to pull my dirty socks and underwear from my backpack (Where else was I supposed to put them? I’d been wearing the same clothes for several days, but had purchased some socks and underwear).

    Then she found a small ziplock baggie of pills. The baggie had a faint label on it. She asked what those pills were.

    That’s when I made my big mistake. I told a cop the truth (perhaps because I was sleep-deprived, perhaps because I’m too slow-witted to make up a convincing lie on the spot, perhaps because I’m fundamentally honest and expect the same from those around me): “I don’t know.”
    “Where did you get them?”

    “I don’t remember.” Truly, if I’d have remembered where I got them, I’d have remembered what they were.

    The agent freaked out. She called other agents, who also freaked out. They collectively called their supervisor, who almost immediately started yelling at me: “You did something really stupid.”

    “I didn’t do anything at all.”

    Still shouting: “You’re going down for a long time.”

    “For what?”

    “You’re facing prison for smuggling heroin or cocaine.”

    Of course I knew it wasn’t heroin or cocaine. I’ve never even seen heroin or cocaine.

    But wait! Maybe. . . . Maybe the decision to search me wasn’t so random as I thought. What if they chose me because of my politics? What if the agent had used sleight of hand to slip this baggie into my backpack? What if someone snuck it into my pack when I was doing the talk? What if. . . . I’ve known people to whom this sort of thing has happened.

    I started to get scared.

    The movie reference that kept coming to me was Midnight Express.

    The agents left to test the pills. Lots more cops arrived. They began Interrogation 101, saying things like, “Why do you have an American passport if you’re a Canadian citizen?”

    “I’m not a Canadian citizen.”

    “Then why did you tell the other agent that that you are?”

    “I didn’t.”

    “He says you did. He wouldn’t lie. Why did you?”

    “I didn’t.”

    “Are you calling him a liar?”

    “I’m saying I never said that.”

    “Where do you live?” she asked, holding my driver’s license and passport in her hand.

    I had to tell her my address three or four times.

    She turned on my computer, looked at documents, emails, photographs. She asked trick questions. She asked when was my last time in Canada. I told her the year before. She looked more on my computer, said, “Who’s this person? Did you meet him in Toronto last month?”

    “I wasn’t in Toronto last month.”

    “Then where did you meet him?”

    “Maine.”

    “Maine, United States; or Maine, Canada?”

    I never even knew there was a Maine, Canada.

    And on and on.Yet another cop arrived. She led me to an interrogation room. She was nice, not like the other cops. She didn’t yell at me. She told me that everyone else was quite concerned about the pills, but that she wasn’t worried at all. She said she was sure that with my help we’d be able to clear things up very quickly. And the best way to clear things up, she said, is to cooperate.

    I said sure.

    She said, “And the best place to start is for you to try to see this from our perspective.”

    Her voice was soft, inviting.

    She said, kindly, gently, “You have some unidentified pills. . . .”

    I saw it. I saw it from their perspective. Yes. I was unshaven, disheveled. I had some pills in a baggie. When I looked at it their way, it did seem pretty suspicious. I wished I knew what the pills were, so I could just tell her, and she could clear this all up. She seemed nice enough that even if the pills were illegal, I’m sure she’d help me minimize the damage. Talking to her made the whole thing seem so easy. I just needed to do my part.

    She said, “They’ve determined that the pills weren’t narcotics.”

    She was kind enough to tell me how they did the test. One agent put some on his finger (and no, they don’t taste it like in the movies), then watched to see if it melted. Evidently narcotics melt with the moisture of your skin.

    She hadn’t needed to tell me any of that: she was clearly on my side. She asked where I got the pills.

    This gave me an idea. I told her that sometimes I carry pills for my mom, and sometimes my mom gives me some of her painkillers or sleeping pills. I suggested she call my mom. She might know what they were.

    She made the call.

    I was glad. This woman seemed nice, but that supervisor still scared me. Now someone would know where I was, and if my mom didn’t hear from me again soon I knew she had phone numbers of people in Toronto she could call to get me an attorney. Or if I disappeared altogether at least she would know where I was last seen.

    I feel weird including that last sentence, but the current political climate makes it a very real concern. It also makes me glad I’m not of Middle Eastern descent, or it would be of even greater concern.

    I heard only the Toronto end of the conversation. The policewoman began by reassuring my mom that I was fine—wasn’t that nice of her?—but that I was in custody at customs because of some unidentified medicine. She asked if my mom had given me any tablets.

    “They were capsules,” I said.

    She waved me off, said into the phone, “Did you give him any blue tablets?”

    “They were white capsules.”

    She frowned at me, mouthed I know.

    Why was she trying to trick my mom?

    The cop wrote down all the pills my mom has. Nothing matched.

    Evidently my mom asked what this was all about, because the policewoman said, “We were concerned at first that it might be heroin or cocaine, but now we know it’s not.”

    Something on the other end.

    Then she said, “Now we’re concerned it might be anthrax.”

    More on the other end.

    The policewoman: “Anthrax is nothing to laugh at, Mrs. Jensen.”

    They spoke a while longer. At one point the policewoman said that none of this would have happened had the pills been in a normal bottle. It occurred to me that the only drug or anthrax smugglers they must catch are the ones too stupid to put the pills in regulation bottles, and too stupid to have backstories concocted as to what the pills are.

    She got off the phone. We were no closer to figuring out what was going on than before the call. Except that someone now knew where I was.

    She said to me, again and again, “Can’t you see this from our perspective?” This was her soft, inviting mantra. She started asking me if I had various medical conditions.

    I said yes to the ones I have, and no to the ones I don’t. When I told her I have Crohn’s, she said she has relatives with that, and that I didn’t need to explain it.Then she began listing drugs, saying about each one, “If that’s all it is, just tell us. It will be okay.”

    I wanted to tell her it was one of those drugs. Then everything would be fine. But I didn’t want to lie. I also noticed that some of the drugs she mentioned were illegal. I began to wonder if she were trying to trick me, as she’d tried to trick my mom.

    She kept pushing, however softly.

    I stuck to my story, because it was true.

    As I said yet again that I didn’t know where I got the pills, she rolled her eyes at me.

    I said, “That’s not helpful. I’m being honest with you, and it doesn’t help for you to make gestures like that.”

    Her response was interesting: “I’m trying to help you remember, and if rolling my eyes makes you angry enough to remember, then I’m going to do that.”That was the point her good cop routine fell apart for me. She was admitting that she was consciously manipulating me (although I don’t believe to help me remember, but rather to get me to admit to something illegal).

    Finally I said, “Why don’t you read the label on the baggie and see what it says?”

    “It has a label?”

    She left the room. Finally she came back. She asked, “What conditions does your mother have?”

    I listed them.

    She left again.

    After five minutes she came back, said, “The label says ‘Generic Bextra’. We looked it up on the internet and it’s used for arthritis. Do you know anyone with arthritis?”

    “I’ve got bad arthritis.”

    “Why didn’t you tell us this before?”

    “When I started to explain what Crohn’s disease is, you stopped me. My arthritis is a side-effect of Crohn’s, and since you know the disease, I figured you’d know about the arthritis.”

    She rolled her eyes again, shook her head, and said to the other cops who had gathered, “Let him go.”

    The supervisor—the one who yelled at me—was nowhere to be seen. Someone went to pass the bad news to him that his drug bust was a bust. The good cop suggested I get rid of the pills—which I now vaguely remembered as having been given to me by a friend months before; and I also remembered that they hadn’t helped me so I’d forgotten about them—so nobody else gets mad at me for them. At that point they could have been made of gold and diamonds and I would have flushed them down the toilet.

    Another cop came up to me and said, “You’re lucky this happened in this country. In some countries they’d have locked you up and done the test in a year.”

    I thought, but of course didn’t say, “In some countries they might believe someone when he says he doesn’t know what the pills are, and in some countries they might actually read the label, and then ask if he has arthritis.” Had I said this, I would now be sitting in a jail in Toronto.
    Someone found the supervisor, talked to him, came back, said, “We can’t release him. He needs to be interrogated more.”

    So I sat there waiting. A customs agents who’d been nice—honestly nice, not good cop nice: she’d come up to me early on and whispered when no one was looking, “Don’t worry about it. It’s not going to be a big deal”—came back in the room, and said to someone, “Why is he still here?” They said something I didn’t hear, and she said, “I’m going to go talk to him.” She left the room to find the supervisor. Finally she returned, and this time wouldn’t look at me.

    Still I sat.

    Finally a bunch of other cops came in. They started talking, occasionally looking at me. They continued to chat and laugh for another half hour, until they decided that their power trip had gone on long enough: they couldn’t of course, just let me leave when they found out they’d been wrong: they had to keep me there another hour so they could win. They sauntered over to me (corncobs up their butts) and told me I could go. I made my flight by about five minutes.
    #
    On the flight I started to get angry. I can’t blame them for wanting to figure out what the pills were, but they could have done so respectfully. They could have read the label. They could have done the narcotics test without yelling at me, without intimidating me, without manipulating me, without lying to me. But they immediately presumed I was guilty, and worse, presumed it’s okay to manipulate someone they presume is guilty.

    And that’s what they do.

    This leads to the reason I got so angry that night on the plane. It has to do with the good cop’s mantra: can’t you see this from our perspective?

    While of course that phrase can be used sincerely, it is also the mantra of all abusers, all exploiters. In order for any oppressive or exploitative situation to sustain over the long term, it’s imperative that oppressors get the oppressed to see things from the oppressor’s (warped) perspective. Sure, oppressors—including individual bullies, abusers, capitalists, the civilized, most males within a patriarchy, or any other oppressors—can and do simply use violence to take whatever it is to which they feel entitled, and sure, the threat of violence always underlies oppressors’ every action (had a normal person started yelling at me because I couldn’t identify a baggie of pills in my backpack, I would have briefly stared in disbelief before walking away shaking my head: of course had I done that in this circumstance the cops would have physically assaulted me to hold me in place), but oppression always flows more smoothly when the oppressed police themselves, or even better, agree with the oppressors and need no policing at all. It’s as Steven Biko said, “The most powerful tool in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.”

    And that’s why I got so pissed off. Because the truth is that unless you’re really paranoid and hostile and abusive, the situation at customs looked like what it was: someone who had spent 48 of the last 90 hours in airports; someone who was sleep-deprived; someone with an incurable, progressive disease who has to take more pills than he can keep straight; someone who simply got confused.The truth is that the perspective the police wanted me to take on—the perspective they themselves evidently had—is really fucked up. Combine their paranoid, hostile perspective with the fact that they do not mind intentionally, consciously manipulating those with whom they come into contact—indeed, they are trained to intentionally, consciously manipulate those with whom they come into contact—and combine all of that with the fact that they have guns and we generally do not, and combine that with the fact that they have the full power of the state behind them to use those guns in ways that would cause the rest of us to be killed or imprisoned forever, and it becomes pretty damn clear why so many people hate cops: it’s not very fun to have someone hold power over you, especially when that person quite possibly does not have your best interests at heart, when that person has been trained to manipulate you, when that person can detain you or worse over misunderstandings, when that person, in larger cases, can destroy your life.
    #
    It’s a month later. I’ve shared my story with a number of friends, shared with them my realizations about the oppressed taking on the oppressors’ perspective, shared with them my understanding about why so many people hate cops.

    My friends make appropriately disgusted sounds at appropriate moments in the story. They tell me that my experience and analysis matches their own. And most important, they tell me stories from their own lives of why they hate the police.

    A deaf woman tells me that someone attempting to harass her called a suicide hotline pretending to be her. A fully-armored SWAT team burst into her home and held her at gunpoint (Feeling a little depressed? A little down? How’s this for a pick-me-up: have a bunch of angry cops point guns at you. Just what the doctor ordered). She said to me: “If hearing people have it hard communicating with cops, imagine how hard it is for someone who is Deaf. This immense cop—he’s probably six feet five inches—demanded to know if I lipread. I signed ‘I am Deaf, please write.’ He yelled at me again, as though the louder he yelled the better I’d understand. I gestured wait and turned around to get paper and pen. They all lurched forward simultaneously yelling NO! and pointing the rifles in my face. I almost peed in my pants with fright and shock. Again the idiot barked lipread? Lipread? Finally one of them whipped out a pen, and we could communicate. They grilled me as to whether I wanted to commit suicide. I told them no. They didn’t believe me. As if they know better than I whether I’m suicidal. Finally I convinced them that someone had made a harassing call about me, and do you know how they responded? They started to laugh at me. When they were done laughing they gestured that I could go back to my evening. They left, giving me no apology, no explanation, nothing.”

    Another friend says, “Two people I’ve known have been killed by cops. One was a promising artist named Jim. We participated together in an anti-war art show, and he made the music for my student film. He was so excited about his first solo art exhibit. He was beaten to death by an off-duty cop when he got into an argument about traffic. The other was a Puerto Rican gang leader in Florida named Carlos. I was working with him to organize an anti-police- brutality event in his neighborhood when he was shot by a cop who’d terrorized his family for years: the cop had chained Carlos’s father to a radiator and raped his mother while Carlos, a child then, hid in the bathroom. That same cop continued to patrol their neighborhood— and continued to terrorize their family—in all the years until he killed Carlos. Both of those men—Jim and Carlos—had difficult lives but were using their anger and political consciousness to fight back, and then they were murdered.”

    A third friend tells me, “We’re having another scandal right now in Junction City, just like the one in Eugene a few years ago where the two cops raped more than twenty women. In that case, if you recall, Eugene hired an ‘independent’ firm (and paid so much money it seemed more a bribe than a bill) to do an analysis and make up a formal report. The findings were—no big surprise—that the department had acted appropriately by not investigating the allegations of so many women (as well as female officers) for so long because the charges were—I shit you not—so ‘unbelievable’ it was determined they simply couldn’t be valid.”

    “What’s happening in Junction City?”

    “A friend’s daughter is the key witness. She’s a female officer, which means maybe ‘whistleblower’ is the correct term. She’s been harassed and threatened by the other officers, even the ones who didn’t rape anyone. It’s another cop rape spree. I swear, I’m more likely to get raped if I call the cops than if I leave my doors unlocked.”

    A fourth friend says he has a good friend whose brother is training to be a cop. “As you might imagine,” he says, “my friend and his brother often disagree. The surprising thing is that his brother used to be more ‘liberal’ in his views, but after he began the indoctrination to be a cop, his views became much more severe and legalistic. For example, before, he might occasionally smoke marijuana, but now he berates anyone who doesn’t agree that marijuana is 100 percent evil and that anyone who smokes it should receive a long prison sentence.”

    He continues, “My friend’s brother wanted to be a cop for altruistic reasons, but once you start the training there’s only one way to think and act. The One Cop Way. So, you have this impressionable young man confronted with men he wishes to be like. They in turn exploit both his ego and insecurities and create another clone.”

    Story after story after story they come in.

    I talk to yet another friend, who also has stories of her own. I tell her about the One Cop Way.

    She says, “I used to think that the police are basically a big gang—the most violent gang around, certainly.”

    I respond, “I know in the United States, between four and six people die every day because they encounter police. That’s through beatings, shootings, high speed chases, and medical neglect in jails and prisons.”

    She continues, “But I’m not sure that’s what I think anymore.”

    “Oh?”

    “Now I think they’re a cult.”

    “Cult?” I’m not sure I’m ready to go that far.

    She says, “Think about the One Cop Way. And think about some of the major characteristics of cults.”

    We’re on the phone. I hear her shuffling through some papers.

    She says, “It’s interesting you bring this up right now. I’ve just been writing an essay on cults, and I hadn’t thought to talk about the police, but now I will.” More shuffling, and then she says, “Ah, my list of characteristics, modified from one I found on the Internet. Ready?”

    I nod, but of course she can’t see that.

    She says, “The group displays excessively zealous and unquestioning commitment to its leader and regards his belief system, ideology, and practices as the Truth, as law.”

    I interrupt: “Who is the leader?”

    “That’s one of the brilliant things about this particular cult: not only is the word of the leader seen as law, but the leader is not even a person, the leader is the law itself, or I suppose we should say the capital L Law. But the real point is that what any cop says, that becomes the law, merely by the cop saying it.”I start to object.

    She says, “The cop says you’re smuggling: you’re treated as a smuggler. How much were your words worth in that exchange?”

    I don’t say anything.

    She says, “Questioning, doubt, and dissent are discouraged or even punished.”We don’t need to talk about that one. We all know about the infamous police code of silence. We know what happens to people like Serpico, to people like the whistleblower in Junction City.

    She says, “Next, the group is elitist, claiming a special, exalted status for itself, its leaders, and members. Do we need to talk about that one?”I don’t say anything.

    She says, “The group has a polarized us-versus-them mentality, which can cause conflict with the larger society.”

    “Jesus,” I say.

    “No,” she says. “They don’t need Jesus. They’re already cops. That’s good enough, close enough to being a god right there.”

    Silence.

    She continues, “The leader is not accountable.”

    I respond, “That one is true for all cops.”

    She says, “The group teaches or implies that its ends justify whatever means it deems necessary. This may result in members participating in behaviors or activities they would have considered reprehensible or unethical before joining the group.”

    I say, “Like manipulating people they don’t know.”

    She responds, “Like killing people.”

    I take a deep breath, say, “That’s really it, isn’t it?”

    She doesn’t say anything for a very long time. At last she says, “But I think in some ways your question—why do so many people hate the police—is much simpler than either you or I are saying.”

    “How so?”

    “I think a lot of people hate the police because the police hate us first.”

    “I don’t understand.”

    “Think about the stories you just told me. Think about how the cops treated you. Think about their perspective on you that they kept trying to get you to see? What is it about that perspective? What are they feeling toward you? Think about all the cop shows you see. What do the cops feel toward those they encounter? Contempt, at best. More likely hatred. Think about the looks on cops’ faces when they walk up to give you a ticket. Think about all the stories you have ever heard about the police. Yes, we all have a good story here or there involving police treating us well, but think about your experience and the experiences of those you know. What do all of those stories have in common? Think about the question you asked: why do so many people hate the police? I think the answer is staring us in the face, especially when it is cops who are doing the staring. I think a lot of people hate the police because the police hate us first.”

    I think a moment, and sadly, find I cannot disagree.



    Friday, May 11, 2007

    The Boy From Tamlaghtduff

    From: Tj


    R.I.P. Francis Hughes:


    A brave son of Ireland.

    Francis Hughes

    Died May 12th, 1981

    A determined and totally fearless soldier


    THE SECOND republican to join the H-Block hunger-strike for political status - a fortnight after Bobby Sands - was twenty-five-year-old Francis Hughes, from Bellaghy in South Derry: a determined, committed and totally fearless IRA Volunteer who organised a spectacularly successful series of military operations before his capture, and was once described by the RUC as their 'most wanted man' in the North.





    Eluding for several years the relentless efforts of the British army, UDR and RUC to track him down, Francis operated boldly throughout parts of Tyrone and north and south Antrim, but particularly in his native South Derry, with a combination of brilliant organisation and extreme daring - until his capture after a shoot-out with the SAS - which earned him widespread popular renown, and won general support for the republican cause, as well as giving him an undisputed reputation as a natural-born soldier and leader.





    ROOTED





    Francis Hughes was born on February 28th, 1956, the youngest son amongst ten children, into a staunchly republican family which has been solidly rooted, for most of this century, in the townland of Tamlaghtduff, or Scribe Road, as it is otherwise called.





    His parents who married in 1939, are Patrick Joseph Hughes, aged 72, a retired small cattle farmer born in the neighbouring town land of Ballymacpeake, and Margaret, aged 68, whose maiden name is McElwee, and who was born in Tamlaghtduff.





    A quarter-of-a-mile away from the Hughes' bungalow, on the other side of the Scribe Road is the home of Thomas and Benedict McElwee - first cousins of Francis. Benedict is currently serving a sentence in the H-Blocks. Thomas - the eldest - embarked on hunger strike on June 8th, and died sixty-two days later on August 8th.





    In Tamlaghtduff, as throughout the rest of Bellaghy, sympathy as well as active support for the republican cause runs at a very high level, a fact testified to by the approximately twenty prisoners-of-war from around Bellaghy alone.





    Francis was an extremely popular person, both to his family and to his republican colleagues and supporters.





    His father recalls that as a boy he was always whistling, joking and singing: a trait which he carried over into his arduous and perilous days as a republican, when he was able to transmit his enthusiasm and optimism both to Volunteers under his command and to Sympathisers who offered them - at great personal risk, food and shelter.





    It was qualities like these, of uncomplaining tirelessness, of consideration for the morale of those around him, and his ruling wish to lead by example, that have made Francis Hughes one of the most outstanding Irish revolutionary soldiers this war has produced and a man who was enormously respected in his native countryside.





    BOY





    As a boy, Francis went first to St. Mary's primary school in Bellaghy, and from there to Clady intermediate school three miles away.





    He enjoyed school and was a fairly good student whose favourite subjects were history and woodwork. He was not particularly interested in sport, but was very much a lively, outdoor person, who enjoyed messing around on bikes, and later on, in cars.





    He enjoyed dancing and regularly went to ceilidh as a young man, even while 'on the run', although after 'wanted' posters of him appeared his opportunities became less frequent.





    His parents recall that Francis was always extremely helpful around the house, and that he was a "good tractor man".








    DECORATOR





    Leaving school at sixteen, Francis got a job with his sister Vera's husband, as an apprentice painter and decorator, completing his apprenticeship shortly before 'going on the run'.





    In later days, Francis would often do a spot of decorating for the people whose house he was staying in.





    On one occasion, shortly after the 'wanted' posters of him had been posted up all over South Derry, Francis was painting window frames at the front of the house he was staying in when two jeep-loads of British soldiers drove past. While the other occupants of the house froze in apprehension, Francis waved and smiled at the curious Brits as they passed by, and continued painting.





    It was such utter fearlessness, and the ability to brazen his way through, that saved him time and time again during his relatively long career as an active service Volunteer.





    On one such occasion, when stopped along with two other Volunteers as they crossed a field, Francis told a Brit patrol that they didn't feel safe walking the roads, as the IRA were so active in the area. The Brits allowed the trio to walk on, but after a few yards Francis ran back to the enemy patrol to scrounge a cigarette and a match from one of the British soldiers.





    A turning point for Francis, in terms of his personal involvement in the struggle, occurred at the age of seventeen, when he and a friend were stopped by British soldiers at Ardboe, in County Tyrone, as they returned from a dance one night.





    The pair were taken out of their car and so badly kicked that Francis was bed-ridden for several days. Rejecting advice to make a complaint to the RUC, Francis said it would be a waste of time, but pledged instead to get even with those who had done it, "or with their friends."





    Notwithstanding such a bitter personal experience of British thuggery, and the mental and physical scars it left, Francis' subsequent involvement in the Irish Republican Army was not based on a motive of revenge but on a clear and abiding belief in his country's right to national freedom.





    INVOLVEMENT





    During the early part of 'the troubles', the 'Officials' were relatively strong in the South Derry area and Francis' first involvement was with them.





    However, disillusioned, as were many others, with the 'Sticks' unilateral ceasefire in 1972, he left to set up and command an 'independent' military unit in the Bellaghy area. About the end of 1973 the entire unit - including Francis - was formally recruited into the IRA.





    Francis' involvement brought him increasingly to the attention of the British army and RUC and he was regularly held for a few hours in Magherafelt barracks and stopped on the road by British patrols; and on one occasion he was held for two days at Ballykelly camp.





    As the 1975 IRA/British army truce came to an end Francis, fearing his imminent arrest, went 'on the run'. From that time on, he led a life perpetually on the move, often moving on foot up to twenty miles during one night then sleeping during the day - either in fields and ditches or in safe houses; a soldierly sight in his black beret and combat uniform, and openly carrying his rifle, a handgun and several grenades as well as food rations.





    The enemy reacted with up to fifty early morning raids on Francis' home, and raids on the homes of those suspected of harbouring him. Often, houses would be staked out for days on end in the hope of capturing Francis. Often, it was only his sheer nerve and courage which saved him. One night, Francis was followed to a 'safe house' and looked out to see the Brits surrounding the place and closing in. Without hesitating, the uniformed Francis stepped outside the door, clutching his rifle, and in the darkness crept gradually through their lines, occasionally mumbling a few short words to British soldiers he passed, who, on seeing the shadowy uniformed figure, mistook him for one of themselves.





    On numerous occasions, Francis and his comrades were stopped at checkpoints along the country roads while moving weapons from one locality to another but always calmly talked their way through. Once, a UDR soldier actually recognised Francis and his fellow Volunteers in a car but, fully aware that Francis would not be taken without a shoot-out, he waved their car on.





    ACTIVE





    The years before Francis' capture were extremely active ones in the South Derry and surrounding areas with the commercial centres of towns and villages like Bellaghy, Maghera, Toome, Magherafelt and Castledawson being blitzed by car bombs on several occasions, and numerous shooting attacks being carried out as well.





    Among the Volunteers under his command Francis had a reputation of being a strict disciplinarian and perfectionist who could not tolerate people taking their republican duties less seriously, and selflessly, than was necessary. He also, however, inspired fellow Volunteers by his example and by always being in the thick of things, and he thrived on pressure.





    During one night-time operation, a weapon was missing and Francis gave away his own weapon to another Volunteer, taking only a torch himself which he used to its maximum effect by shining it at an oncoming enemy vehicle, which had its headlights off, to enable the other Volunteers to direct their fire.





    Francis' good-humoured audacity also showed itself in his republican activity. At the height of his 'notoriety' he would set up road-blocks, hoping to lure the Brits into an ambush (which by hard experience they learned to avoid), or he would ring up the Brits and give them his whereabouts!





    Such joking, however, did not extend only to the enemy. One day, lying out in the fields, he spied one of his uncles cycling down a country road. Taking careful aim with his rifle he shot away the bike's rear wheel. His uncle ran alarmed, into a nearby house shouting that loyalists had just tried to assassinate him!





    BATTLE





    The determination of the British army and RUC to capture Francis Hughes came to a head in April 1977. In that month, on Good Friday, a car containing three IRA Volunteers was overtaken and flagged down on the Moneymore Road at Dunronan, in County Derry, by a carload of RUC men.





    The Volunteers attempted to make a U-turn but their car got stuck in a ditch as the armed RUC men approached. Jumping from the car, the Volunteers opened fire, killing two RUC men and injuring another before driving off. A hundred yards further up the road a second gun battle ensued but the Volunteers escaped safely.





    Subsequently, the RUC issued a 'wanted' poster of Francis Hughes and two fellow republicans, Dominic McGlinchey and Ian Milne, in which Francis was named as the 'most wanted man' in the North.





    When his eventual capture came, it was just as he had always said it would be:
    "I'll get a few of them before they get me."





    STAKE-OUT





    At 8.00 p.m. on March 16th, 1978, two SAS soldiers took up a stake-out position opposite a farm, on the south side of the Ronaghan road, about two miles west of Maghera, in the townland of Ballyknock.





    At 9.15 p.m. they saw two men in military uniform and carrying rifles, walking in single file along the hedgeline of the field towards them. Using their 'night sights' in the darkness, the SAS men observed the military behaviour of the two on-comers and having challenged them, heard the men mumble a few words to each other in Irish accents and assumed that the pair were UDR soldiers.





    One of the pair, in fact, was Francis Hughes, the other a fellow Volunteer, and with only a second's hesitation both Volunteers cocked their rifles and opened fire. One SAS man fell fatally wounded but the other - though shot in the stomach - managed to fire a long burst from his sterling sub-machine gun at the retreating figures, and to make radio contact with his base.





    Within three minutes, nearby Brit patrols were on the scene and the area was entirely sealed off. The following morning hundreds of Brits took part in a massive search operation.





    Fifteen hours after the shooting, at around 12.15 p.m. the next day, they found Francis Hughes sitting in the middle of a gorse bush in a field three hundred yards away, bleeding profusely from a bullet wound which had shattered his left thigh. As he was taken away on a stretcher he yelled defiantly, through his considerable pain:








    "Up the Provies".





    His comrade, though also wounded, slightly, managed to evade the dragnet and to escape.





    SURVIVED





    How he survived the night of the shooting, possibly the coldest night of that year, bears eloquent testimony to Francis' grim determination to evade capture. After being shot, he dragged himself - unable to walk - across the Ronaghan road and across two fields without a sound, before burying himself in a thick clump of gorse bushes.





    At one point, en-route, Francis fell down a sharp drop between fields, and his left leg - the muscle and bone completely disintegrated - came up over his shoulder; but Francis worked it carefully down before continuing to crawl on his way. In his hiding place, he lay through the night, motionless and soundless, till his capture.





    When he was found, unable to move through the cold, pain and stiffness, Francis, knowing that both Brits and RUC were on instructions to shoot him on sight, gave his name as Eamonn Laverty and his address as Letterkenny, County Donegal.





    Francis was taken to Magherafelt hospital and from there to Musgrave Park military hospital in Belfast, and it was only then that his true identity was revealed. He spent ten months in Musgrave Park where his leg was operated on, reducing his thigh bone by an inch-and-a-half and leaving him dependent on a crutch to walk.





    CASTLEREAGH





    On Wednesday, January 24th, 1979, Francis was taken from Musgrave Park hospital to Castlereagh interrogation centre where he spent six days before being charged on January 29th. For more than four days Francis refused food and drink, fearing that it might have been drugged to make him talk.





    His behaviour in Castlereagh was typical of the fiercely determined and courageous republican Volunteer that he was. His frustrated interrogators later described him as "totally uncooperative".





    Nevertheless, at his trial in Belfast in February 1980, after a year on remand in Crumlin Road jail, Francis was found 'guilty' on all charges.





    He received a life sentence for killing the SAS soldier, and fourteen years for attempting to kill the other SAS man. He also received fifty-five years on three other charges.





    H-BLOCK





    In the H-Blocks, Francis immediately went on the protest for political status and, despite the severe disability of his wounded leg, displayed the same courage and determination that had been his hallmark before his capture.





    And, just as always wanting to be in the thick of things and wanting to shoulder responsibility for other political prisoners as he had earlier looked after the morale of fellow Volunteers, Francis was one of those to volunteer for the hunger strike which began on October 27th, 1980. He was not one of the first seven hunger strikers selected but was among the thirty men who joined the hunger strike in its closing stages as Sean McKenna's condition became critical.





    That utter selflessness and courage came to its tragic conclusion on Tuesday,
    May 12th, when Francis died at 5.43 p.m. after fifty-nine days on hunger strike.







    As I walked through the Glenshane Pass
    I heard a young girl mourn
    ‘The boy form Tamlaghtduff ’ she cried

    ‘is two years dead and gone’
    How my heart is torn apart

    this young man to lose
    Oh I’ll never see the likes again

    of my young Francis Hughes
    For many years his exploits were a thorn in Englands side
    The hills and glens became his home there he used to hide
    Once when they surrounded him he quietly slipped away
    Like a fox he went to ground and kept the dogs at bay
    Moving round the countryside he often made the news
    But they could never lay their hands on my brave Francis Hughes
    Finally they wounded him and captured him at last
    From the countryside he loved they took him to Belfast
    Oh from Musgrave Park to the Crumlin Road and then to an H-Block cell
    He went straight on the blanket then on hungerstrike as well
    His will to win they could never break no matter what they tried
    He fought them every day he lived and he fought them as he died
    As I walked through the Glenshane Pass I heard a young girl mourn
    ‘The boy form Tamlaghtduff ’she cried ‘is two years dead and gone’
    How my heart is torn apart this young man to lose
    Oh I’ll never see the likes again of my young Francis Hughes